How to Make America Great Again for Beginners

• Journal List
• Front Psychol
• PMC8079816

Front Psychol. 2021; 12: 555667.

Making America Great Over again? National Nostalgia's Effect on Outgroup Perceptions

Anna Maria C. Behler

¹Psychology Department, Due north Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC, United States

Athena Cairo

^twoPsychology Department, Virginia Republic University, Richmond, VA, United States

Jeffrey D. Green

²Psychology Department, Virginia Democracy University, Richmond, VA, The states

Calvin Hall

²Psychology Department, Virginia Republic University, Richmond, VA, United states of america

Received 2020 Apr 25; Accepted 2021 Mar 5.

Data Availability Argument

The datasets presented in this study can be found in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study data tin can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were non analyzed in this study and therefore non listed in this report.

Abstract

Nostalgia is a addicted longing for the past that has been shown to increase feelings of meaning, social connectedness, and self-continuity. Although nostalgia for personal memories provides intra- and interpersonal benefits, there may be negative consequences of grouping-based nostalgia on the perception and acceptance of others. The presented research examined national nostalgia (a form of collective nostalgia), and its effects on group identification and political attitudes in the United States. In a sample of United states of america voters (North = 252), tendencies to feel personal and national nostalgia are associated with markedly different emotional and attitudinal profiles. Higher levels of national nostalgia predicted both positive attitudes toward President Trump and racial prejudice, though there was no evidence of such relationships with personal nostalgia. National nostalgia most strongly predicted positive attitudes toward president Trump among those high in racial prejudice. Furthermore, nostalgia's positive relationship with racial prejudice was partially mediated past perceived outgroup threat. Results from this written report will assist us better empathise how the feel of national nostalgia can influence attitudes and motivate political behavior.

Keywords: national nostalgia, prejudice, intergroup relations, emotion, political differences

Throughout Donald Trump'southward tumultuous presidential campaign and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explicate his appeal to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential election, as many equally nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the first Blackness president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). One concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions as a mainstay of Trump's political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly divers equally a bloodshot longing for the past. Evidence of Trump's appeals to an earlier time in American history have been cited from the beginning of the 2016 presidential entrada through his failed 2020 reelection campaign, ranging from the salient cornball reverie of the "Brand America Great Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more than coded political rhetoric promising White, working course Americans a return to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American civilization (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a wide calibration, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent feature of right-fly populist party rhetoric, and bear witness from voters in holland suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony inside nostalgic messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and right-wing populist back up (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the United states, several studies provide potent evidence of a link between support for Trump and group prejudice. For example, survey inquiry has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' back up of Trump in 2016, more than so even than voter's feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of police reports evidenced a significant increment in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the half dozen months following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Nonetheless, no research has of notwithstanding established whether Trump's nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this end, in this paper, we present testify that national nostalgia, an emotion singled-out from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice likewise as back up for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a generally positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates cocky-esteem defense, enhances pregnant in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Most people written report experiencing nostalgia on a regular ground (Wildschut et al., 2006) and often structure their present in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including by music, scents, and reflecting on by momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion likewise serves vital relational functions, increasing social connexion and perceived social back up (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connectedness function of nostalgia is a primary avenue through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more likely to exist evoked while experiencing negative affect (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of cornball memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act as a "repository" of positive affect, positive self-regard, and social connection (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of nostalgic memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). As a consequence of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more salient one's symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For case, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and depression social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, nostalgic emotions buffer the negative effects of low social support (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Importantly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.e., those loftier in personal nostalgia) are also more motivated to command prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups as a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). 4 studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more than subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They plant that the link betwixt personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the experience of nostalgia offers advantages across the self.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link betwixt nostalgia and sociality becomes more complex when considering nostalgia felt for one'southward grouping. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, grouping-based nostalgia appears to take a distinct psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, as singled-out from individual-level emotions, ascend when individuals self-categorize with a social grouping and integrate the group into their sense of cocky (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, group-based emotions can differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such every bit when an private might feel strong pride and happiness for their home team while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Grouping-based nostalgia—operationalized every bit nostalgia felt for events shared with one's ingroup, or collective nostalgia—can exist experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, school classes (east.g., Grade of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Dark-green et al., 2021). Like individual-level nostalgia, shared memories tin can include notable events, such equally a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation mean solar day, homecoming (college class), or sports championships (metropolis). Nonetheless, dissimilar individual-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia tin occur in the form of a longing for a by that individuals themselves did not feel, but rather one that was passed down through commonage memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increment positive attitudes also as an approach-oriented action trend toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Written report 1). Collective nostalgia too can increase group-oriented prosociality (eastward.thousand., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Light-green et al., 2021). Collective cocky-esteem mediated this result: recalling a collective nostalgic consequence increased collective self-esteem, which, in plow, increased intentions to volunteer. Other research has found boosted ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. foreign) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

However, in that location are two sides to this money. A preference for domestic products is also a bias against strange products, and the promotion of commonage political action was driven by anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.due east., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a collective nostalgic memory (vs. an ordinary commonage memory) were more willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 3). Yet, in some cases, collective nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals can feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of quondam Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to partitioning and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more than cornball for Yugoslavia and reported more than contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the old Yugoslavia (just not command ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is one type of commonage nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing equally a citizen of a specific country, and is likely to be associated with detail intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. But equally personal nostalgia during times of modify and upheaval tin can facilitate coping (eastward.1000., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country'due south adept erstwhile days—may increase felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or dubiety. However, cornball revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such equally recent immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia amid Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the land (Smeekes et al., 2014) as well as prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to exist associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained past perceptions of threats to 1's ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial evidence has establish that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to i's actual well-being, and typically include the domains of physical rubber, political power, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of one's ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to exist elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived every bit highly dissimilar, and thus often inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are distinct and examined separately in the literature, at that place often is overlap between them, especially considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative ability, realistic and symbolic threats can be conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

One salient gene in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more than threat being evoked past larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through letters endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In 1 notable set of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the United states population was becoming more diverse (relative to control weather condition)—that the percentage of whites was dropping—reported more than explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward not-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. I possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may be due to dissimilar levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connectedness, also has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, encounter Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In dissimilarity, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking one's national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to exist evoked in response to existential concerns about one's group-based identity, and may accept the beneficial issue of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For example, trait national nostalgia among Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns about the futurity of one's country predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). Notwithstanding, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (e.g., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increment perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be especially true for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for example, when whites in the United States experience a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) by that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the future, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United States participants included in the cantankerous-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this stardom has not been examined in the United States. Additionally, no studies have directly examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political issues associated with national and ethnic identities, nosotros extended this line of inquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains whatever found relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Recent work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in item its office in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural reject (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders oftentimes utilize national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity between a nation's past and present (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke collective angst about group status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe institute consequent themes of nostalgia for their country's "glorious by" while denigrating the land'due south present, too as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the cause of this discontinuity between by and present, and b) increasing the country's strength and opposition to political party opponents would return the nation to its former glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). Past emphasizing commonage identity aperture, and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that discontinuity, populist leaders offering listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being by denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain back up for right-fly populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a strong focus of Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 presidential campaign rhetoricⁱ. In the 2016 entrada, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Brand America Corking Again," and emphasized claims that the U.s. had deteriorated from its former status. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in office, to arraign for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump'south supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a by, whiter version of the United States. Leave polls from the 2016 presidential ballot appeared to support some of these claims, every bit White voters were the only racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of 20 percentage points (CNN, 2016)². Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important part in voters' choice to back up Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels institute that back up for Trump was most strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White US citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our study was to directly examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain back up for Trump'south populist rhetoric as well as increases in racial prejudice in the United States post-obit the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, nosotros hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping US voters' political attitudes. We idea information technology advisable to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique role of Black Americans in The states history and the e'er-evolving racial and ethnic demographics of the United States, of which White Americans are becoming less of a majority (United states Census Bureau, 2020).

The Current Study

We examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility higher up and beyond political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2016 US presidential election. We also examined the interplay betwixt national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous inquiry examined survey information taken effectually the time of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~1 year after the election, allowing united states of america to see how our participants felt afterward President Trump had been in office for some time, and whether the cornball message of "Making America Great Once more" notwithstanding resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, almost all of this work has been conducted outside of the United States; thus, this research would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes besides as report the phenomenon in the US sociopolitical landscape. In improver, we included a validated measure of personal nostalgia in social club to ameliorate examine the association between personal and national nostalgia likewise as to assess whether each type of nostalgia might exist associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

We tested i specific hypothesis and 3 exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open up Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis i. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to exist found between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Research Question 1. Will White or Republican identity be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Research Question 2. Will national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Research Question 3. Will the human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power analysis using G^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a small correlation of r = 0.09³ with 95% power and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 U.s. citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential ballot and identified as either White or Black (57.9% female, and 54.4% White). Participant age ranged from 18 to 79 (Chiliad = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified as Democrats, 25.iv% Contained, 23.4% Republican, and 7.ii% equally Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2017 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 ballot (Pew Enquiry Center, 2018); all the same, we purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upwardly 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we experience that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2016 Us voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized as how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how significant participants felt cornball experiences were to them. The scale included seven items (e.g., "How valuable is nostalgia for y'all?") rated from i (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), we use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to experience nostalgia on the footing of 1'south national ingroup membership. The scale included four items rated from 1 (Very rarely) to 5 (Very frequently) scale. The NNS used in this study was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)⁴ to reflect American nationality [e.g., "How often do y'all long for the America (Netherlands) of the by?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President as related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, nosotros used a modified version of the Country Functions of Nostalgia Calibration (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connexion, well-existence, self-regard, and overall positive bear upon. Each item was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits every bit they related to Donald Trump's presidency. This scale consisted of 16 items (eastward.g., "Thinking nigh the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a ane (Non at all) to five (Extremely) scale.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Calibration (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to mensurate realistic threat perceptions (e.g., of social or economical harm) of Blackness individuals. The scale was examined merely among White participants. The measure out includes 12 items (due east.thousand., "African Americans concord too many positions of power and responsibility in this country") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cerebral and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The mensurate consisted of viii items (due east.thousand., "It'southward really a matter of some people non trying difficult enough; if Blacks would only try harder they could be just as well off every bit Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to iv (Strongly agree) calibration.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from one (Very Liberal) to vii (Very Conservative). Participants also chose which political party they virtually strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants and so indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much do yous feel like we demand to 'Make America Swell Again'?" on a i (Not at all) to seven (Extremely) calibration. Finally, participants reported their state of origin and whether English language was their native language.

Ethnic Identity Salience

The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to determine the centrality of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such equally "I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic group," and each particular was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to five (Strongly agree) calibration.

Demographics

Participants terminal reported their gender, age, and racial identity.

Procedure

Participants signed upward through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey almost their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all report measures and items in the order described to a higher place. All responses were nerveless over a single, ane week period in the Autumn of 2017 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than than 2 attention check items indicated insufficient attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant's information.

Results

Descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations are displayed in Table 1. To exam our hypotheses, we conducted a series of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' Procedure macro v.3 (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, we also back up our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS 5. 26 (Due to a calculator mistake, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, yet higher up the target based on the ability analysis).

Table 1

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among study variables.

Variable	1	two	3	four	5	6	seven	8	nine	10	12	13	14	Thou/Pct	SD
1	Indigenous/Racial Identity Salience	0.91													3.38	0.92
2	Personal Nostalgia	0.xv**	0.92												4.85	1.xix
iii	National Nostalgia	0.xviii**	0.32***	0.ninety											2.85	i.sixteen
iv	Pro-Trump Attitudes	0.24***	0.08	0.49***	0.97										2.62	1.41
5	Outgroup Threat Perception	0.07	−0.01	0.44***	0.62***	0.98									2.38	ane.52
6	Racial Prejudice	0.08	0.07	0.47***	0.63***	0.63***	0.84								0.34	0.23
7	MAGA	0.14**	0.02	0.52***	0.61***	0.54***	0.65***	–							iii.33	2.72
8	Political Orientation	0.12	0.01	0.46***	0.59***	0.47***	0.66***	0.67***	–						3.48	1.76
9	Republican	0.08	0.01	0.33***	0.52***	0.35***	0.51***	0.60***	0.63***	–					23.four%	–
x	Democrat	0.08	0.00	−0.28***	−0.35***	−0.25***	−0.38***	−0.47**	−0.53***	−0.49***	–				44.0%	–
11	Independent	−0.fifteen*	−0.03	0.05	−0.14*	−0.05	−0.05	−0.02	0.02	−0.32***	−0.52***	–			25.iv%	–
12	Gender	−0.05	−0.13*	−0.07	0.xviii**	0.18**	0.nineteen**	0.10	0.15*	0.05	−0.12	0.10	–		57.1% (F)	–
13	Age	0.01	0.x	0.08	−0.04	−0.20**	−0.08	0.02	0.01	−0.03	0.03	0.03	−0.03	–	36.34	12.68
14	Race	0.33***	−0.08	−0.12	−0.04	−0.07	−0.17**	−0.09	−0.07	−0.04	0.twenty**	−0.17***	−0.12	−0.17**	54.4% (EA)	–

Main Hypothesis

We first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would exist related to pro-Trump attitudes in the means previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in pace 2 of the model to identify their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In step 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more than positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = ten.08, p < 0.001. In footstep 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more than pro-Trump attitudes higher up and beyond political affiliation, β = 0.30, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes in a higher place and across political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −i.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a significant proportion of variance in attitudes above and across political orientation, F _{(two, 189)} = 9.90, p < 0.001, R²Δ = 0.06.

To examine this human relationship in a consolidated path model⁵, Figure 1 displays Path Model 1, quantifying the relationship betwixt national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the data somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. As shown in Model 1, Hypothesis 1 was once again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Annotation. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Research Question 1

To assess whether there was an clan between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × 3 (Political Party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, 1 = Black/African-American (shortened to W/EA and B/AA going forward). Political political party affiliation was coded as 1 = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and three = Contained and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical contrast. For the purposes of this analysis, data from participants who did not identify with i of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 Due west/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 W/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that political party affiliation was the merely significant predictor of holding positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(ii, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial η² = 0.30, with Republicans (M = 3.94, SD = one.22) more in favor of the president than their Democratic (M = 2.06, SD = 1.26) or Contained (One thousand = ii.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. At that place was no main effect of participant race (Black or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(one, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was there an interaction between political political party affiliation and participant race, F _{(ii, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure 2 displays these results.

Relationship between political party amalgamation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Note. Mistake bars represent 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results further, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. We examined whether party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare confronting Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' PROCESS macro v. 3.4 (model one). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a pregnant college-gild interaction effect betwixt political affiliation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F _{(2, 228)} = iii.23, p = 0.041, R²Δ = 0.024. An analysis of the simple slope effects indicated that there was a stronger difference in indigenous identity salience among White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (M = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more of import to them than their White Autonomous [Thousand = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [Thousand = ii.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.nineteen)]; simple gradient difference F _{(2, 228)} = 4.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no significant difference in racial identity salience was institute amid Black/African-American participants; simple slope difference F _{(2, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple main effect of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally as of import to them equally Black participants; M = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.60, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Blackness Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly college ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (come across Figure iii).

Racial identity salience amid Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of dissimilar political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Error bars represent 95% CIs around the hateful for each subgroup.

We also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation assay using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model i) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, just only among White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(one, 77)} = iii.94, p = 0.051. Amidst those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.18, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

As a last examination of Research Question ane, a 2nd path model (Path Model 2, Figure 4) was compared with Path Model 1 to once more examine the interaction between nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction betwixt political orientation and race (assessing its human relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is important to annotation that path models are by and large considered ineffective in examining interaction furnishings (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model 2 showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(10) = forty.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09^{half dozen}; SRMR = 0.05]. Probable due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in contrast to what was shown in the Procedure model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous scale) was not significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.thirteen, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.

Path analysis estimating interaction effects (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Annotation. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates.

Inquiry Question 2

We adjacent examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) also as perceived realistic threat measured past the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, run across Table 1). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, nosotros tested whether racial prejudice chastened the link betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' Process macro (model 1) with five,000 resamples. A meaning moderation effect was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ² = 0.05, F _{(ane, 178)} = 19.60, p < 0.001. Simple slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The human relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-pregnant at low levels of prejudice (those at to the lowest degree −one SD below the mean of SNS). However, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +ane, or +ii SDs in a higher place the hateful of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (see Effigy five). Interestingly, this effect was plant separately for both White [ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(i, 77)} = 5.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR ^two = 0.09, F _{(i, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], but there was no significant three-way interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.xiv), so the results in Effigy 5 are displayed for all participants.

Human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated by anti-Black racial prejudice. Annotation. Plots display simple slopes at −two, −1, 0, +1, and +2 SDs away from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Inquiry Question 3

Will the human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

We last examined whether the human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured by the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A chastened mediation model was synthetic using Hayes' Process macro (model 8) to assess whether the proposed mediational effect might differ between European-American and African-American participants. As shown in Effigy half-dozen, the model indicated a significant indirect effect of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.13, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect result did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.15, 0.13).

Arbitration of national nostalgia human relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, chastened by participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model 3 (Figure 7) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model three showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(2) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia straight predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated by threat sensitivity [indirect effect β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect consequence on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect outcome β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated past racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates. Indirect effect of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was pregnant [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, likewise as increased perceived racial threat amidst White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was really associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with testify from samples outside the U.s. (due east.chiliad., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a strong semantic connection between Trump and its 2016 presidential campaign slogan, it also may signal to the entreatment of Trump's campaign—and its right wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To ameliorate answer this question, our next analyses investigated more closely the human relationship between national nostalgia and identity.

Our outset research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We found partial evidence for this idea, as Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. However, there was no evidence of a relationship between race and support for the President. At offset glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump's messaging appealed mostly to White voters. However, although race itself did non predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more strongly continued to their racial identity than Whites who identified as either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans likewise expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity as important as Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as information technology evidences farther support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). As members of the majority group, White individuals typically are less likely to recollect of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the ascendant ingroup in the United States may indeed accept been a critical factor in voters' choice to support Trump. Some research suggests that, in the electric current political climate, White Americans may increasingly place with their Whiteness, every bit a outcome of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). However, there is an outcome of causality, equally these correlational information could betoken that the perception of such a threat may increase the salience of one's racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more cardinal part of their self-concept. For example, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with college White identity scores, along with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were substantially more likely to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offer an caption on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may exist and then attractive to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes commonage identity discontinuity in order to foment anxiety about the state of the state while simultaneously offer a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups every bit scapegoats.

The function of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We institute that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was found amid both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction effect may have been due to lower power. Additionally, we found a stronger human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes amidst those who reported more prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings align with evidence that grouping emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In particular, these findings align with converging prove that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to exist "the expert quondam days" for their identity grouping—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of collective nostalgia, besides explains differences betwixt the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging past evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face up of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may enhance belongingness by evoking positive thoughts about the "good old days" when 1'south group was perceived to be higher in status or less threatened by outgroups. It is besides possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may enhance feelings of continuity in its own way, by allowing individuals to feel connected to a time in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries institute that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging but not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little research on collective nostalgia, particularly national nostalgia, has been undertaken, future piece of work should examine these questions via multiple methods, particularly longitudinal and experimental designs, which can place whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These data were obtained from a cross-sectional grouping of United states of america Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, so these results are near generalizable to American eye-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are nearly generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups inside the U.s.a., and future analysis of national nostalgia should continue to appraise different ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Future Directions

These findings raise the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a want past some to go back in fourth dimension, due to perceived group identity threats. Hereafter enquiry should employ longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises every bit a defense against perceived threats to one's ingroup. Relatedly, information technology is merely recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia research has been at the trait level. Farther work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow us to ameliorate understand how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. Nosotros should also go on to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a part in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The need for further research in this area has grown substantially in recent years, especially in low-cal of events such as those that took place in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the United states of america Capitol Edifice in early 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned violent.

An boosted question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump'south presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained only to the rhetoric from his entrada. Rather, the use of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future research should examine the role of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a diverseness of settings and when considering a diverseness of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes every bit a grouping-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions virtually one's national grouping identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests it may also operate through evoking shared historical noesis and schemas most one's group within a specific nation. The phrase "make America groovy again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is particularly controversial in the US because minority groups have achieved significant advances in ceremonious rights in contempo history, and a call to return to a former fourth dimension may imply a call for a render to a former and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Future research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression amongst various ethnic and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a bottom extent within nations with different histories.

Hereafter research might too examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.g., economical) vs. symbolic (e.g., social/moral) concerns. Prior enquiry has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may exist more than psychologically influential on voter support for correct-wing populist credo, equally concerns most immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Agreement the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could assistance inform interventions to assuage feet, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the ever-evolving demographic makeup of the United States (equally well equally many other countries), further piece of work in this surface area should include individuals who identify with other racial groups beyond White or Black, and should also be expanded to wait at different identities such as gender, sexual orientation, faith, immigrant condition, social grade, pedagogy level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a course of collective nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, peculiarly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (generally in European and Asian nations), this is the first report, to our cognition, to examine the U.s.a. political landscape. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for one's personal past—does non accept the same associations with political and group attitudes, and but moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In contrast, national nostalgia, particularly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

There may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a by that never was; in this case, an America that was non as white as some retrieve. However, these national cornball feelings appear to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of farther investigation.

Data Availability Argument

The datasets presented in this report can exist institute in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and written report data can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this report.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving homo participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Writer Contributions

AB, AC, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and AC oversaw data collection and assay. AB wrote the commencement draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and pattern of the report and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the inquiry was conducted in the absence of whatsoever commercial or financial relationships that could exist construed as a potential disharmonize of interest.

Footnotes

¹We note that intergroup relations were also a salient theme in the 2020 election (eastward.k., the function of the Black Lives Matter motion); withal, as our data were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2016 ballot in this paper.

^twoThough a majority of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was among Black voters, who voted in Clinton's favor past a margin of 89 to 8% (CNN, 2016). Thus, nosotros chose to use Black voters equally a comparison grouping to the Caucasian sample.

³The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study 2).

^ivThe authors would similar to notation that this scale was non included in the original pre-registration, equally information technology was published just prior to the fourth dimension this report was adult. Notwithstanding, the conclusion was made prior to data collection to utilize this validated scale as a more direct and statistically sound way to measure the construct of national nostalgia.

⁵Although structural equation models are oft used to model paths among composite variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was non large plenty to justify inclusion of all private items in the model.

^half-dozenAlthough RMSEA greater than 0.08 is often considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

References

• Barrett F. Due south., Grimm Grand. J., Robins R. West., Wildschut T., Sedikides C., Janata P. (2010). Music-evoked nostalgia: touch, memory, and personality. Emotion 10, 390–403. 10.1037/a0019006 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Batcho K. I., DaRin M. L., Nave A. M., Yaworsky R. R. (2008). Nostalgia and identity in vocal lyrics. Psychol. Aesth. Creativ. Arts 2, 236–244. ten.1037/1931-3896.ii.iv.236 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Brownstein R. (2016, June 2). Trump'due south rhetoric of White nostalgia. The Atlantic. Available online at: https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/06/trumps-rhetoric-of-white-nostalgia/485192/
• Cheung West. Y., Hepper E. One thousand., Reid C. A., Dark-green J. D., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2020). Anticipated nostalgia: looking frontwards to looking back. Cogn. Emot. 34, 511–525. 10.1080/02699931.2019.1649247 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Cheung W. Y., Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2017). Nostalgia proneness and reduced prejudice. Pers. Individ. Dif. 109, 89–97. x.1016/j.paid.2016.12.045 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• CNN (2016). Election 2016 Get out Polls. Retrieved from: https://edition.cnn.com/election/2016/results/exit-polls
• Craig Grand. A., Richeson J. A. (2018). Majority no more than? The influence of neighborhood racial diversity and salient national population changes on whites' perceptions of racial discrimination. RSF: the Russell Sage Foundation. J. Soc. Sci. iv, 141–157. x.7758/rsf.2018.4.v.07 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Craig M. A., Richeson J. A. (2014). More diverse notwithstanding less tolerant? How the increasingly-diverse racial landscape affects white Americans' racial attitudes. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 40, 750–761. 10.1177/0146167214524993 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Dimitriadou M., Maciejovsky B., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2019). Commonage nostalgia and domestic state bias. J. Exp. Psychol. Appl. 25, 445–457. x.1037/xap0000209 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Dover T. 50., Major B., Kaiser C. R. (2016). Members of high-condition groups are threatened past pro-diversity organizational messages. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 62, 58–67. 10.1016/j.jesp.2015.10.006 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Edwards One thousand. S., Rushin Southward. (2018). The Effect of President Trump's Election on Hate Crimes. Social Science Research Network. [Google Scholar]
• Faul F., Erdfelder Eastward., Buchner A., Lang A. G. (2009). Statistical power analyses using Yard^* Power 3.one: tests for correlation and regression analyses. Behav. Res. Methods 41, 1149–1160. 10.3758/BRM.41.iv.1149 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Giles K. Due west. (1977). Pct blackness and racial hostility: an old supposition reexamined. Soc. Sci. Q. 58, 412–417. 10.1177/104438947705800704 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Green J. D., Cairo A. H., Sedikides S., Wildschut. (2021). The ties that bind: university nostalgia fosters relational and collective university engagement. Front. Soc. Psychol. 11:580731. 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.580731 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Hayes A. F. (2013). Introduction to Arbitration, Moderation, and Conditional Process Analysis: A Regression-Based Arroyo. New York, NY: The Guilford Press. [Google Scholar]
• Henry P. J., Sears D. O. (2002). The symbolic racism 2000 scale. Polit. Psychol. 23, 253–283. x.1111/0162-895X.00281 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Hepper East. K., Ritchie T. D., Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2012). Odyssey's end: Lay conceptions of nostalgia reflect its original Homeric meaning. Emotion 12, 102–119. 10.1037/a0025167 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Hooghe M., Dassonneville R. (2018). Explaining the trump vote: the effect of racist resentment and anti-immigrant sentiments. PS Political Sci. Politics 51, 528–534. 10.1017/S1049096518000367 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Huff C., Tingley D. (2015). "Who are these people?" Evaluating the demographic characteristics and political preferences of MTurk survey respondents. Res. Politics 2, ane–12. 10.1177/2053168015604648 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Jardina A. (2019). White Identity Politics. New York, NY: Cambridge University Printing. [Google Scholar]
• Major B., Blodorn A., Blascovich 1000. Thousand. (2018). The threat of increasing diversity: why many White Americans support Trump in the 2016 presidential election. Group Proc. Intergroup Relat. 21, 931–940. 10.1177/1368430216677304 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Martinovic B., Jetten J., Smeekes A., Verkuyten M. (2017). Collective memory of a dissolved country: group-based nostalgia and guilt assignment as predictors of interethnic relations between diaspora groups from erstwhile Yugoslavia. J. Soc. Political Psychol. 5, 588–607. 10.5964/jspp.v5i2.733 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• McCabe C., Kim D., King Thou. (2018). Improving present practices in the visual brandish of interactions. Adv. Methods Pract. Psychol. Sci. 1, 147–165. ten.1177/2515245917746792 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Meyers L. 1000., Garst G., Guarino A. J. (2016). Practical Multivariate Enquiry: Design and Estimation. Yard Oaks, CA: Sage. [Google Scholar]
• Mols F., Jetten J. (2014). No guts, no celebrity: how framing the collective past paves the style for anti-immigrant sentiments. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 43, 74–86. 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2014.08.014 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Mutz D. (2018). Condition threat, not economic hardship, explains the 2016 presidential vote. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. UsaA. 115, 4330–4339. x.1073/pnas.1718155115 [PMC gratuitous article] [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Pettigrew T. F. (2017). Social psychological perspectives on Trump supporters. J. Soc. Political Psychol 5, 107–116. ten.5964/jspp.v5i1.750 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Pew Research Heart (2018). An Exam of the 2016 Electorate, Based on Validated Voters. Retrieved from: https://world wide web.pewresearch.org/politics/2018/08/09/an-examination-of-the-2016-electorate-based-on-validated-voters/ (accessed August 02, 2020).
• Phinney J. Due south., Ong A. D. (2007). Conceptualization and measurement of ethnic identity: current status and time to come directions. J. Couns. Psychol. 54, 271–281. ten.1037/0022-0167.54.3.271 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Reid C. A., Dark-green J. D., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2015). Scent-evoked nostalgia. Memory 23, 157–166. 10.1080/09658211.2013.876048 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Routledge C., Arndt J., Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2008). A blast from the past: the terror management function of nostalgia. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 44, 132–140. 10.1016/j.jesp.2006.11.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Samuelson R. J. (2016). 'Make America Swell Again' Is Non a Policy. It'due south an Practice in Mass Psychology. Bachelor online at: https://world wide web.washingtonpost.com/opinions/make-america-great-again-is-not-a-policy-its-an-exercise-in-mass-psychology/2016/07/17/e316d5a2-4ab5-11e6-bdb9-701687974517_story.html
• Schaffner B. F., Macwilliams M., Nteta T. (2018). Agreement White polarization in the 2016 vote for president: the sobering role of racism and sexism. Polit. Sci. Q. 133, 9–34. 10.1002/polq.12737 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Schildkraut D. J. (2015). "Does condign American create a meliorate American? How identity attachments and perceptions of discrimination affect trust and obligation," in Fear, Anxiety, and National Identity, eds N. Foner and P. Simon (New York, NY: The Russell Sage Foundation; ). [Google Scholar]
• Seate A. A., Mastro D. (2015). Media's influence on immigration attitudes: an intergroup threat theory approach. Commun. Monogr. 83, 194–213. 10.1080/03637751.2015.1068433 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2019). The sociality of personal and collective nostalgia. Eur. Rev. Soc. Psychol. thirty, 123–173. 10.1080/10463283.2019.1630098 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Arndt J., Routledge C. (2008). Nostalgia: past, present, and futurity. Curr. Dir. Psychol. Sci. 17, 304–307. x.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00595.x [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Routledge C., Arndt J. (2015a). Nostalgia counteracts self-aperture and restores cocky continuity. Eur. J. Soc. Psychol. 45, 52–61. 10.1002/ejsp.2073 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Routledge C., Arndt J., Hepper East. G., Zhou X. (2015b). To nostalgize: mixing memory with touch on and desire. Adv. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 51, 189–273. x.1016/bs.aesp.2014.10.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Seger C. R., Smith E. R., Mackie D. M. (2009). Subtle activation of a social categorization triggers group-level emotions. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 45, 460–467. 10.1016/j.jesp.2008.12.004 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Skelley G. (2017). Just How Many Obama 2012-Trump 2016 Voters were there? Rasmussen Reports. [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A. (2015). National nostalgia: a grouping-based emotion that benefits the in-group but hampers intergroup relations. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 49, 54–67. 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2015.07.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Jetten J. (2019). Longing for 1's domicile country: national nostalgia and acculturation among immigrants and natives. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 69, 131–150. 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2019.02.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Jetten J., Verkuyten M., Wohl K. J., Jasinskaja-Lahti I., Ariyanto A., et al.. (2018). Regaining in-grouping continuity in times of anxiety virtually the group'due south hereafter. Soc. Psychol. 49, 311–329. ten.1027/1864-9335/a000350 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Verkuyten K. (2015). The presence of the by: identity continuity and group dynamics. Eur. Rev. Soc. Psychol. 26, 162–202. x.1080/10463283.2015.1112653 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Verkuyten G., Martinovic B. (2014). Longing for the state'due south good quondam days: national nostalgia, autochthony beliefs, and opposition to Muslim expressive rights. Br. J. Soc. Psychol. 54, 561–580. ten.1111/bjso.12097 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2020). Longing for the "skilful old days" of our country: national nostalgia every bit a new master-frame of populist radical-correct parties. J. Theoret. Soc. Psychol. x.1002/jts5.78 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smith East. R., Mackie D. M. (2016). Representation and incorporation of close others' responses: the RICOR model of social influence. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Rev. 20, 311–331. 10.1177/1088868315598256 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smith E. R., Seger C. R., Mackie D. M. (2007). Tin can emotions exist truly grouping level? Evidence for iv conceptual criteria. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 93, 431–446. 10.1037/0022-3514.93.three.431 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Steck L. W., Heckert D. G., Heckert D. A. (2003). The salience of racial identity amidst African-American and White students. Race Soc. 6, 57–73. 10.1016/j.racsoc.2004.09.005 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Stephan Westward. G., Boniecki K. A., Ybarra O., Bettencourt A., Ervin K. S., Jackson 50. A., et al.. (2002). The function of threats in the racial attitudes of Blacks and Whites. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 28, 1242–1254. ten.1177/01461672022812009 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Stephan W. Chiliad., Stephan C. W. (2000). "An integrated threat theory of prejudice," in Reducing Prejudice and Bigotry ed Oskamp, S. (Mahwah, NJ: Psychology Press; ), 23–45. [Google Scholar]
• Stephan W. K., Ybarra O., Bachman G. (1999). Prejudice toward immigrants. J. Appl. Soc. Psychol. 29, 2221–2237. ten.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb00107.x [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• United states Demography Bureau (2020). Demographic Turning Points for the United States: Population Projections for 2020 to 2060. Retrieved from: https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2020/demo/p25-1144.pdf
• van Dijke Thou., Wildschut T., Leunissen J., Sedikides C. (2015). Nostalgia buffers the negative impact of low procedural justice on cooperation. Organ. Behav. Hum. Decis. Process. 127, xv–29. 10.1016/j.obhdp.2014.11.005 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Wildschut T., Bruder G., Robertson South., van Tilburg West. A. P., Sedikides C. (2014). Commonage nostalgia: a group-level emotion that confers unique benefits on the grouping. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 107, 844–863. ten.1037/a0037760 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Wildschut T., Sedikides C., Arndt J., Routledge C. (2006). Nostalgia: content, triggers, functions. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 91, 975–993. 10.1037/0022-3514.91.5.975 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Wohl Yard. J., Stefaniak A., Smeekes A. (2020). Longing is in the retentiveness of the beholder: commonage nostalgia content determines the method members volition support to make their group great again. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 91:104044. x.1016/j.jesp.2020.104044 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Zhou X., Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Gao D. Thousand. (2008). Counteracting loneliness: on the restorative part of nostalgia. Psychol. Sci. 19, 1023–1029. x.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02194.10 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

---

Manufactures from Frontiers in Psychology are provided hither courtesy of Frontiers Media SA

---

englerpountoon.blogspot.com

Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8079816/

Share this post